By Tank Murdoch

(TNS) The election of Barack Obama began the transformation of the Democrat Party from a semi-reasonable, semi-American political entity into a hard-Left organization hell bent on destroying the founding principles of our country and replacing them with authoritarian ideologies.

The election of President Donald Trump, however, represented an electoral rejection of the party, which has only served to embolden its most radical elements.

And it became evident just how powerful these new, young radicals are when “old guard” House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) agreed to the impeachment of a president who clearly has done nothing wrong, remains fairly popular among the American people, and is never going to be convicted.

So, after the president is cleared — and he will be — what’s next for the Democrats? What about 2020 and beyond?

Buzzfeed News’ Left-wing editor, Ben Smith, has an idea: Perhaps the party’s socialists, Marxists, and Communists are preparing to split from Democrats to form their own ultra-radical party, which would include the likes of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, Liz Warren and, of course, Bernie Sanders.

But the Leftist party would also include a rising number of local politicians — prosecutors, state representatives, attorneys general — who are working hard to overturn centuries of legal precedence and jurisprudence, under the guise of “criminal justice reform”:

People outside the insular power politics of New York, Philadelphia, and Hartford may not have heard of WFP (Working Families Party). But the party has achieved a remarkable amount in America’s biggest city and a key state, where the tax-the-rich economic left is tightening its grip on power. Through the long neoliberal winter of the 1990s and 2000s, WFP played a central role in a series of early progressive victories, bringing paid leave, a millionaire’s tax, softer drug laws, and a higher minimum wage to New York. It was central to flipping the New York State Senate, bringing — among other things — an ambitious Green New Deal to the state.

Now, at what feels like a new national era of progressivism, the party faces deep questions about its future, challenged from both ends by angry Democratic insiders and the new world of movement politics. Among its vulnerabilities is that, as the biggest progressive party in New York, it failed to endorse Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez when she challenged a machine politician. The party is scrambling to remake itself to the intersectional standards of contemporary progressive politics. And it’s barely survived an assault by Gov. Andrew Cuomo, the master of the state’s machine. …

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By “progressive” we also mean something other than “liberal,” though we recognize overlapping commitments and shared values. Both liberals and progressives, for example, agree that affirmative government action (e.g., regulation, redistribution, education) is required to meet even minimal conditions of democracy. Both (sometimes joined by “honest conservatives”) also favor “good government” and “honest government.” They hold government to high standards of effective performance, and don’t like public fraud and lies. Where progressives and liberals disagree is in their view of working people. In a nutshell, liberals don’t believe working people have much capacity to govern their own affairs. …

The party’s friends and enemies alike aren’t sure if it’ll be able to make the transition. And this is part of the wide-open question of what comes out of this new era of energy on the left: Will there be strong new institutions, or revived old ones, with new progressive political bosses? Will the tide recede to leave figures like Cuomo, the New York governor who has done just enough to keep progressive voters on his side without ever letting the left wing of his party build lasting power?

Smith expends of a lot of words, while focusing primarily on a nascent political movement in New York state, in an attempt to persuade readers that a national movement may be afoot. Maybe he’s right; there are certainly elements of radical Leftism all over the country; up and down both coasts, for instance.

But he also makes a good point in recognizing that the Democrat machine is a powerful one and a familiar brand. The majority of Americans have, for quite some time now, rejected third- and fourth political parties, choosing to swallow the bad elements of one of the two major parties in order to achieve better policy and ideological results overall.

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That said, if any party has enough real radical elements within it, it is the Garbage Party. Can it survive the onslaught by ‘progressives,’ or will it finally splinter into Left, more Left, and radical Leftist elements?

Or will the most radical elements simply take over the Democrat Party from the elders and protectors? Nancy Pelosi’s cave-in on impeachment seems to provide some answers to these questions.

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